Merge pull request #66 from thegetty/final-pages-fixes-ga

Final pages fixes ga

Author: geealbers

config.yml

@@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ publishDir: site
 
 footnoteReturnLinkContents: "↩"
 metaDataFormat: "yaml"
-GoogleAnalytics: ""
+GoogleAnalytics: "UA-8087223-1"
 
 pluralizeListTitles: true
 disableKinds:

content/01.md

@@ -8,10 +8,8 @@ type: essay
 contributor:
   - first_name: Jorrit M.
     last_name: Kelder
-    affiliation_as_it_appears: |
-      Associate of the Sub-Faculty of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford <br/>
-      Senior Grant Adviser, Leiden University<br/>
-copyright: "© 2022 Jorrit M. Kelder. Originally published in *Egypt and the Classical World: Cross-Cultural Encounters in Antiquity*. © 2022 J. Paul Getty Trust, www.getty.edu/publications/egypt-classical-world (licensed under CC BY 4.0)"
+    title: Associate of the Sub-Faculty of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford; Senior Grant Adviser, Leiden University
+copyright: "© 2022 Jorrit M. Kelder<span class='remove-from-pdf remove-from-epub'>. Originally published in *Egypt and the Classical World: Cross-Cultural Encounters in Antiquity*. © 2022 J. Paul Getty Trust, www.getty.edu/publications/egypt-classical-world/ (licensed under CC BY‑NC 4.0)</span>"
 ---
 
 Although numerous studies have focused on various aspects of Late Bronze Age interconnections (such as the exchange of objects, raw materials, animals and plants, specialist craftsmen, artists, and even diplomatic marriages), the role of the military in the exchange of technologies and ideas has remained remarkably understudied. By highlighting a number of artifacts that have been found throughout the eastern Mediterranean, this paper seeks to explore the role of the military and especially mercenaries as a conduit of knowledge and ideas in the Late Bronze Age eastern Mediterranean and beyond.
@@ -38,7 +36,7 @@ Egypt, too, had a long tradition of incorporating foreign specialists into its a
 
 ## Faith and Technology
 
-The Sherden are of particular interest as an example of how mercenaries served as a conduit for the introduction of military technologies. Though they are probably first mentioned in a letter in the Amarna archive (EA 122) from Rib-hadda, mayor of Gubla (Byblos), as *še-er-ta-an-nu*, they appear in Egyptian iconography only during the reign of Ramesses II, half a century or so later. They are shown wearing a distinctive type of horned helmet with a curious globular crest on top and carrying a circular shield with multiple (metal?) bosses while wielding a sword of an uncertain, though definitely un-Egyptian type, perhaps related to the Naue II sword, which originated in Europe in the fifteenth century BC. The Sherden ships were unlike anything the Egyptians had seen before. Like the “northerner” on the Uluburun ship, the Sherden were, after their defeat and incorporation into the Egyptian army, valued as bodyguards and accompanied Ramesses II at the Battle of Kadesh ([fig. 1.3](#fig-1-3)).[^17]
+The Sherden are of particular interest as an example of how mercenaries served as a conduit for the introduction of military technologies. Though they are probably first mentioned in a letter in the Amarna archive (EA 122) from Rib-hadda, mayor of Gubla (Byblos), as *še-er-ta-an-nu*, they appear in Egyptian iconography only during the reign of Ramesses II, half a century or so later. They are shown wearing a distinctive type of horned helmet with a curious globular crest on top and carrying a circular shield with multiple (metal?) bosses while wielding a sword of an uncertain, though definitely un-Egyptian type, perhaps related to the Naue II sword, which originated in Europe in the fifteenth century BC. The Sherden ships were unlike anything the Egyptians had seen before. Like the “northerner” on the Uluburun ship, the Sherden were, after their defeat and incorporation into the Egyptian army, valued as bodyguards and accompanied Ramesses II at the Battle of Kadesh ([fig.&nbsp;1.3](#fig-1-3)).[^17]
 
 {{< q-figure id="fig-1-3" class="pdf-two-column pdf-float-top" >}}
 
@@ -54,7 +52,7 @@ In a series of important publications, Jeffrey Emanuel has demonstrated the impo
 
 It seems reasonable to assume that mercenaries were important agents in the transfer of military technology, tying the peripheries of the ancient world to the centers of urban societies. This process of transfer, however, extended both ways. Plate armor appeared in temperate Europe during the thirteenth century BC, at around the same time that the Naue II sword came to Greece.[^25] It is quite likely that other, less tangible or archaeologically demonstrable know-how traveled with these new types of weapons, including, as N. K. Sandars has suggested,[^26] foreign combat tactics, but one may also think of popular stories of love and war, the type of stories that would have been recited or sung around a traveler’s or military campfire. Indeed, the “northern mercenary” on board the Uluburun ship may have been one of those who brought new ideas from the Balkans to the Aegean.
 
-Mycenaean Greece was dotted with palatial centers that were home to a literate elite. From Hittite texts, we know that Mycenaean rulers were involved in high-level diplomacy, participated in royal gift exchange, and personally knew highborn Hittite officers and probably even Hittite royalty.[^27] Tawagalawa/Ete(w)okle(we)s, the brother of the king of Ahhiyawa, for example, reportedly rode together with the personal charioteer of the Hittite king. The Mycenaeans themselves may have served as foreign mercenaries.[^28] A sword that was captured during a Hittite campaign against the Assuwa League of western Anatolia, for example, is of a clearly Aegean-inspired type (even though its dedicatory inscription indicates that it was used by a soldier of, and probably forged in, Assuwa[^29]), and two texts from the Hittite vassal state of Ugarit suggest that, at least toward the end of the Bronze Age, the Hittites may have employed soldiers from the Mycenaean world (although the exact identification of the men from Hiyawa and the nature of the PAD.MEŠ \[metal supplies, payment, foodstuff?\] they are expecting, is debated).[^30] Similarly, there are indications that Mycenaeans served in the Egyptian pharaoh’s armies from at least the Amarna period onward. The famous pictorial papyrus found at Akhetaten (Tell el-Amarna) offers a rare glimpse of these Aegeans, who wear boar’s-tusk helmets but are otherwise dressed like Egyptians ([fig. 1.5a–b](#fig-1-5-a)).[^31]
+Mycenaean Greece was dotted with palatial centers that were home to a literate elite. From Hittite texts, we know that Mycenaean rulers were involved in high-level diplomacy, participated in royal gift exchange, and personally knew highborn Hittite officers and probably even Hittite royalty.[^27] Tawagalawa/Ete(w)okle(we)s, the brother of the king of Ahhiyawa, for example, reportedly rode together with the personal charioteer of the Hittite king. The Mycenaeans themselves may have served as foreign mercenaries.[^28] A sword that was captured during a Hittite campaign against the Assuwa League of western Anatolia, for example, is of a clearly Aegean-inspired type (even though its dedicatory inscription indicates that it was used by a soldier of, and probably forged in, Assuwa[^29]), and two texts from the Hittite vassal state of Ugarit suggest that, at least toward the end of the Bronze Age, the Hittites may have employed soldiers from the Mycenaean world (although the exact identification of the men from Hiyawa and the nature of the PAD.MEŠ \[metal supplies, payment, foodstuff?\] they are expecting, is debated).[^30] Similarly, there are indications that Mycenaeans served in the Egyptian pharaoh’s armies from at least the Amarna period onward. The famous pictorial papyrus found at Akhetaten (Tell el-Amarna) offers a rare glimpse of these Aegeans, who wear boar’s-tusk helmets but are otherwise dressed like Egyptians ([fig.&nbsp;1.5a–b](#fig-1-5-a)).[^31]
 
 {{< q-figure-group grid="2" id="fig-1-5-a, fig-1-5-b" class="pdf-two-column pdf-float-top" caption="Egyptian and Mycenaean warriors, Egyptian, 18th Dynasty, ca. 1346–1332 BC. Painted papyrus, 10.3 × 10.5 cm. Found in the Chapel of the King’s Statue, Tell el-Amarna (Akhetaten). London, British Museum, EA74100. (a) Papyrus. (b) Detail illustration." credit="Image: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) License. Drawing: Martin Hense" >}}
 
@@ -110,7 +108,7 @@ I owe a debt of gratitude to Aaron Burke and Barry Molloy for their feedback and
 
 [^17]: For an overview of their role in the military, see {{< q-cite "Abbas 2017" >}}.
 
-[^18]: The Wilbour Papyrus is now in the Brooklyn Museum, 34.5596.4, <https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/152121>; Trismegistos no. 113892, <https://www.trismegistos.org/text/113892>; see also {{< q-cite "Gardiner 1948" >}}. For the Adoption Papyrus, see {{< q-cite "Gardiner 1941" >}}.
+[^18]: The Wilbour Papyrus is now in the Brooklyn Museum, 34.5596.4, [https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/&#65279;152121](https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/152121); Trismegistos no. 113892, <https://www.trismegistos.org/text/113892>; see also {{< q-cite "Gardiner 1948" >}}. For the Adoption Papyrus, see {{< q-cite "Gardiner 1941" >}}. TEST
 
 [^19]: {{< q-cite "Petrie 1891" >}}, 16.